Con il presente documento, ai sensi degli artt. 13 e 122 del D. Lgs. 196/2003 (“codice privacy”), nonché in base a quanto previsto dal Provvedimento generale del Garante privacy dell’8 maggio 2014, ISayBlog titolare del trattamento, fornisce gli utenti del sito alcune informazioni relative ai cookie utilizzati.
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I cookie sono inviati al browser dell’utente (Internet Explorer, Mozilla Firefox, Google Chrome, ecc.) dal sito web visitato, in particolare dal server web (ovvero il computer sul quale è in esecuzione il sito web). Nel corso della navigazione l’utente potrebbe ricevere anche cookie di siti diversi (di “terze parti”), impostati direttamente da gestori di detti siti web e utilizzati per le finalità e secondo le modalità da questi definiti.
Tipologie di cookie utilizzati in questo sito web
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Il sito utilizza solo cookie tecnici, rispetto ai quali, ai sensi dell’art. 122 del codice privacy e del Provvedimento del Garante dell’8 maggio 2014, non è richiesto alcun consenso da parte dell’interessato. Più precisamente il sito utilizza:
– cookie tecnici strettamente necessari per consentire la navigazione da parte dell’utente, di seguito indicati nel dettaglio
In assenza di tali cookie, il sito web non potrebbe funzionare correttamente.
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Si riportano nel dettaglio i singoli cookie di terze parti, nonché i link attraverso i quali l’utente può ricevere maggiori informazioni e richiedere la disattivazione dei cookie.
Nielsen: https://priv-policy.imrworldwide.com/priv/browser/it/it/optout.htm
Triboo: https://cookie-siti-in-concessione.triboomedia.it/
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I Dati generati da Google Analytics sono conservati da Google così come indicato nella Informativa reperibile al seguente link: https://developers.google.com/analytics/devguides/collection/analyticsjs/cookie-usage
Per consultare l’informativa privacy della società Google Inc., titolare autonomo del trattamento dei dati relativi al servizio Google Analytics, si rinvia al sito internet http://www.google.com/intl/en/analytics/privacyoverview.html
Al seguente link https://tools.google.com/dlpage/gaoptout è inoltre reso disponibile da Google il componente aggiuntivo del browser per la disattivazione di Google Analytics.
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Dati personali raccolti: cookie e dati di utilizzo.
Per maggiori informazioni: Privacy Policy
Pubblicità
Questi servizi consentono di utilizzare i dati dell’utente per finalità di comunicazione commerciale in diverse forme pubblicitarie, quali il banner, anche in relazione agli interessi dell’utente e potrebbero utilizzare Cookie per identificare l’utente al fine di visualizzare annunci pubblicitari personalizzati in base agli interessi e al comportamento dell’utente stesso, rilevati anche al di fuori di questo sito.
Per avere maggiori informazioni in merito, ti suggeriamo di verificare le informative privacy dei rispettivi servizi.
Social Buttons
I Social buttons sono quei particolari “pulsanti” presenti sul sito che raffigurano le icone di social network (esempio, Facebook e Twitter) e consentono agli utenti che stanno navigando di interagire con un “click” direttamente con i social network.
I social buttons utilizzati dal sito nella pagina “Contatti” e nel footer della pagina, nell’area dedicata alla pubblicazione dei dati societari, sono dei link che rinviano agli account del Titolare sui social network raffigurati. Tramite l’utilizzo di tali pulsanti non sono pertanto installati cookie di terze parti.
I social buttons utilizzati invece nella pagina “Blog” consentono al social network cui l’icona si riferisce di acquisisce i dati relativi alla visita. Tramite l’utilizzo di tali pulsanti sono pertanto installati cookie di terze parti, anche profilanti. Il sito non condivide però alcuna informazione di navigazione o dato dell’utente acquisiti attraverso il proprio sito con i social network accessibili grazie ai Social buttons.
Si riportano i link ove l’utente può prendere visione dell’informativa privacy relativa alla gestione dei dati da parte dei Social cui i pulsanti rinviano:
https://support.twitter.com/articles/20170519-uso-dei-cookie-e-di-altre-tecnologie-simili-da-parte-di-twitter
https://www.facebook.com/help/cookies
https://www.linkedin.com/legal/cookie_policy
Modalità del trattamento
Il trattamento viene effettuato con strumenti automatizzati dal Titolare. Non viene effettuata alcuna diffusione o comunicazione.
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Fatta eccezione per i cookie tecnici, il conferimento dei dati è rimesso alla volontà dell’interessato che decida di navigare sul sito dopo aver preso visione dell’informativa breve contenuta nell’apposito banner e/o di usufruire dei servizi che richiedano l’installazione di cookie (così per la condivisione dei contenuti tramite Add This).
L’interessato può evitare l’installazione dei cookie mantenendo il banner (Astenendosi dal chiuderlo cliccando sul tasto “OK”) nonché attraverso apposite funzioni disponibili sul proprio browser.
Disabilitazione dei cookie
Fermo restando quanto sopra indicato in ordine ai cookie strettamente necessari alla navigazione, l’utente può eliminare gli altri cookie attraverso la funzionalità a tal fine messa a disposizione dal Titolare tramite la presente informativa oppure direttamente tramite il proprio browser.
Ciascun browser presenta procedure diverse per la gestione delle impostazioni. L’utente può ottenere istruzioni specifiche attraverso i link sottostanti.
Microsoft Windows Explorer
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La disattivazione dei cookie di terze parti è inoltre possibile attraverso le modalità rese disponibili direttamente dalla società terza titolare per detto trattamento, come indicato ai link riportati nel paragrafo “cookie di terze parti”.
Per avere informazioni sui cookie archiviati sul proprio terminale e disattivarli singolarmente si rinvia al link: http://www.youronlinechoices.com/it/le-tue-scelte
Diritti dell’interessato
Art. 7 D. Lgs. 196/2003
1. L’interessato ha diritto di ottenere la conferma dell’esistenza o meno di dati personali che lo riguardano, anche se non ancora registrati, e la loro comunicazione in forma intelligibile.
2. L’interessato ha diritto di ottenere l’indicazione:
a) dell’origine dei dati personali;
b) delle finalità e modalità del trattamento;
c) della logica applicata in caso di trattamento effettuato con l’ausilio di strumenti elettronici;
d) degli estremi identificativi del titolare, dei responsabili e del rappresentante designato ai sensi dell’articolo 5, comma 2;
e) dei soggetti o delle categorie di soggetti ai quali i dati personali possono essere comunicati o che possono venirne a conoscenza in qualità di rappresentante designato nel territorio dello Stato, di responsabili o incaricati.
3. L’interessato ha diritto di ottenere:
a) l’aggiornamento, la rettificazione ovvero, quando vi ha interesse, l’integrazione dei dati;
b) la cancellazione, la trasformazione in forma anonima o il blocco dei dati trattati in violazione di legge, compresi quelli di cui non è necessaria la conservazione in relazione agli scopi per i quali i dati sono stati raccolti o successivamente trattati;
c) l’attestazione che le operazioni di cui alle lettere a) e b) sono state portate a conoscenza, anche per quanto riguarda il loro contenuto, di coloro ai quali i dati sono stati comunicati o diffusi, eccettuato il caso in cui tale adempimento si rivela impossibile o comporta un impiego di mezzi manifestamente sproporzionato rispetto al diritto tutelato.
4. L’interessato ha diritto di opporsi, in tutto o in parte:
a) per motivi legittimi al trattamento dei dati personali che lo riguardano, ancorché pertinenti allo scopo della raccolta;
b) al trattamento dei dati personali che lo riguardano a fini di invio di materiale pubblicitario o di vendita diretta o per il compimento di ricerche di mercato o di comunicazione commerciale.
Titolare
Il titolare del trattamento è ISayBlog
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When Hussain AlMoosawi arrived home, he didn’t recognize anything.
The Emirati photographer, who had spent eight years studying in Australia, returned to the United Arab Emirates (UAE) in 2013. He’d missed a real estate boom of dizzying proportions: not just new buildings, but new districts.
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More than that, the buildings of his childhood were disappearing, replaced by shiny new skyscrapers.
But for AlMoosawi, these international icons were not the urban fabric of his home: it was the oft-overlooked, mid-century office towers and residential blocks squeezed between new highways and overshadowed by luxury developments that felt most familiar.
It sparked a desire to “understand the urban context of the UAE,” and AlMoosawi set out to meticulously document and capture these underappreciated buildings, “and reimagine the city as if it were the ‘80s, the time when I was born.”
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Initially focusing on industrial landscapes, temporary structures and air conditioning units, he began to notice symmetry in many of the buildings he was photographing, inspiring his current project: facades.
“Facades are like a face,” said AlMoosawi. “It’s something that people connect with.”
His bold, geometric images strip away context to spotlight the character and diversity of everyday buildings. Using a telephoto lens to shoot close-ups from the ground or elevated positions, AlMoosawi carefully frames out distractions and sometimes removes minor obstructions like lampposts in post-processing.
So far, the 41-year-old, who is editor-in-chief for National Geographic AlArabiya Magazine, has photographed over 600 building?s across the UAE, and next year hopes to complete his collection in Abu Dhabi, where he lives.
In the long term, he hopes to turn the “lifetime project” into an interactive archive that both preserves urban heritage and invites viewers to rediscover their own city.
“Our cities aren’t big, in terms of scale, compared to many other cities,” said AlMoosawi. “But then they have a story to tell, they have things between the lines that we don’t see, and my quest is to see these things.”
Since India’s independence from Britain in 1947, the status of English in India has been deeply political – entwined with questions of identity, power, and national direction.
Today, English is one of several official languages in India, spoken by about 10% of the population. Hindi is the first language for around 44% of citizens, according to the 2011 census.
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But in recent years, Modi’s BJP has placed particular emphasis on promoting Hindi and reducing the use of English in public life.
The prime minister almost never delivers speeches in English, preferring Hindi for national addresses such as his monthly radio program. His administration has encouraged officials to use Hindi on social media and in government correspondence – though, after criticism from non-Hindi-speaking states, clarified that this was intended mainly for the Hindi belt in the north.
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When India hosted world leaders for the 2023 G20 summit in New Delhi, invitations were sent out from “Bharat” – the Sanskrit or Hindi name for the country – instead of “India,” fueling speculation that the government aims to ultimately phase out the country’s English designation altogether.
Modi’s critics have been quick to note his political motives behind these moves.
With its roots in the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), a right-wing organization that advocates Hindu hegemony within India, the BJP’s language policies resonate with many in a country where nearly 80% of people are Hindu.
Analysts say the BJP is seeking to capitalize on this demographic by promoting language policies that strengthen its support base in the north.
According to Rita Kothari, an English professor from Ashoka University, the government “is certainly interested in homogenizing the country and making Hindi more widespread.”
But that policy can also backfire – in part because many regions, such as Marathi-speaking Maharashtra in the west – are staunchly proud of their local language.
The violent clashes in the state’s megacity Mumbai earlier this month were sparked by the regional government’s controversial decision to make Hindi a compulsory third language in public primary schools.
Pushback and protest has also been especially strong in the south, where English and regional languages such as Tamil, Telugu, and Kannada are valued as symbols of local identity and autonomy.
While manufacturers continue to tweak their products to overcome the stigma of ultraprocessed foods, nutritionists suggest consumers move forward in choosing products that help the planet — as long as they keep reading the nutrition label.
“I would look for something with a good fat composition in which saturated fat is less than a third of the total fat,” Willett said. “Some vegetable burgers made from peas and legumes can be quite starchy, which the body breaks down similarly to sugar, so I would prefer to see alternatives with more healthy fat, more nuts, more soy.”
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While the Dietary Guidelines for Americans call for a limit of 2,300 milligrams of sodium per day for adults, “the American Heart Association recommends a limit of 1,500 milligrams for adults over 50, which is the standard I prefer,” Willett said.
“Look for about 1 milligram of sodium per calorie, which is a pretty good criteria,” he added. “In general, salt and saturated fat are the two really important factors — along with something that’s flavorful or delicious, which is, of course, up to the consumer.”
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One more key point from Willett: Before plant-based meats can truly help save the planet, they need to come down in price.
“These products are quite a bit more expensive, from what I’ve seen, than basic hamburger,” he said, “and we really need products that are price competitive with the beef and pork if we’re going to see them used on a daily basis, not just by people who can afford it.”
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He has had more cordial, more productive, meetings with US President Donald Trump since that now-notorious encounter on February 28.
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But for Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, today’s meeting at the White House will surely trigger awkward memories of that very public clash with the US President almost six months ago. Navigating the treacherous waters in which he finds himself today will be no easier.
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Increasingly, it appears likely he will be told to give up land in exchange for some sort of security guarantees.
The land side of that “deal” will be obvious. It can be drawn on a map. Crimea: gone, says Trump. Donetsk: give all of it up, says Putin, apparently with Trump’s blessing.
But the security guarantees? That’s where far more challenging ideas, like credibility, come into play. Could Zelensky rely on the US to deliver on some NATO Article 5-type promise, to defend Ukraine if Russia breaches any peace agreement?
Putin himself might even see an opportunity to further weaken the West, by testing any such guarantees, confident they are a bluff he could call. But all that would be for the future.
For now, it looks like Zelensky will have to weigh up whether he could bring his country with him if he were to cede territory to Russia – some of it still in Ukrainian hands – or whether he and his people could bear the costs of potentially defying Trump a Nobel Peace Prize, and say no.
If he chose the latter, would the US President immediately end all remaining American support for Ukraine, in terms of military aid and intelligence sharing, for instance?
If that happened, to what extent could Zelensky’s European allies really step in and fill in the gaps left by any full US retreat?
It is an almost impossibly hard choice before him.
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He has had more cordial, more productive, meetings with US President Donald Trump since that now-notorious encounter on February 28.
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But for Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, today’s meeting at the White House will surely trigger awkward memories of that very public clash with the US President almost six months ago. Navigating the treacherous waters in which he finds himself today will be no easier.
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Increasingly, it appears likely he will be told to give up land in exchange for some sort of security guarantees.
The land side of that “deal” will be obvious. It can be drawn on a map. Crimea: gone, says Trump. Donetsk: give all of it up, says Putin, apparently with Trump’s blessing.
But the security guarantees? That’s where far more challenging ideas, like credibility, come into play. Could Zelensky rely on the US to deliver on some NATO Article 5-type promise, to defend Ukraine if Russia breaches any peace agreement?
Putin himself might even see an opportunity to further weaken the West, by testing any such guarantees, confident they are a bluff he could call. But all that would be for the future.
For now, it looks like Zelensky will have to weigh up whether he could bring his country with him if he were to cede territory to Russia – some of it still in Ukrainian hands – or whether he and his people could bear the costs of potentially defying Trump a Nobel Peace Prize, and say no.
If he chose the latter, would the US President immediately end all remaining American support for Ukraine, in terms of military aid and intelligence sharing, for instance?
If that happened, to what extent could Zelensky’s European allies really step in and fill in the gaps left by any full US retreat?
It is an almost impossibly hard choice before him.
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He has had more cordial, more productive, meetings with US President Donald Trump since that now-notorious encounter on February 28.
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But for Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, today’s meeting at the White House will surely trigger awkward memories of that very public clash with the US President almost six months ago. Navigating the treacherous waters in which he finds himself today will be no easier.
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Increasingly, it appears likely he will be told to give up land in exchange for some sort of security guarantees.
The land side of that “deal” will be obvious. It can be drawn on a map. Crimea: gone, says Trump. Donetsk: give all of it up, says Putin, apparently with Trump’s blessing.
But the security guarantees? That’s where far more challenging ideas, like credibility, come into play. Could Zelensky rely on the US to deliver on some NATO Article 5-type promise, to defend Ukraine if Russia breaches any peace agreement?
Putin himself might even see an opportunity to further weaken the West, by testing any such guarantees, confident they are a bluff he could call. But all that would be for the future.
For now, it looks like Zelensky will have to weigh up whether he could bring his country with him if he were to cede territory to Russia – some of it still in Ukrainian hands – or whether he and his people could bear the costs of potentially defying Trump a Nobel Peace Prize, and say no.
If he chose the latter, would the US President immediately end all remaining American support for Ukraine, in terms of military aid and intelligence sharing, for instance?
If that happened, to what extent could Zelensky’s European allies really step in and fill in the gaps left by any full US retreat?
It is an almost impossibly hard choice before him.
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It’s no secret how President Donald Trump feels about sports teams turning away from Native American mascots. He’s repeatedly called for the return of the Washington Redskins and Cleveland Indians, claiming their recent rebrands were part of a “woke” agenda designed to erase history.
But one surprising team has really gotten the president’s attention: the Massapequa Chiefs.
The Long Island school district has refused to change its logo and name under a mandate from New York state banning schools from using team mascots appropriating Indigenous culture. Schools were given two years to rebrand, but Massapequa is the lone holdout, having missed the June 30 deadline to debut a new logo.
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The district lost an initial lawsuit it filed against the state but now has the federal government on its side. In May, Trump’s Department of Education intervened on the district’s behalf, claiming the state’s mascot ban is itself discriminatory.
Massapequa’s Chiefs logo — an American Indian wearing a yellow feathered headdress — is expected to still be prominently displayed when the fall sports season kicks off soon, putting the quiet Long Island hamlet at the center of a political firestorm.
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The district is now a key “battleground,” said Oliver Roberts, a Massapequa alum and the lawyer representing the school board in its fresh lawsuit against New York claiming that the ban is unconstitutional and discriminatory.
The Trump administration claims New York’s mascot ban violates Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which prohibits recipients of federal funds from engaging in discriminatory behavior based on race, color or national origin — teeing up a potentially precedent-setting fight.
The intervention on behalf of Massapequa follows a pattern for a White House that has aggressively applied civil rights protections to police “reverse discrimination” and coerced schools and universities into policy concessions by withholding federal funds.
“Our goal is to assist nationally,” Roberts said. “It’s us putting forward our time and effort to try and assist with this national movement and push back against the woke bureaucrats trying to cancel our country’s history and tradition.”
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What we’re covering
• Zelensky in Washington: European leaders will join Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky at the White House, as he meets with US President Donald Trump this afternoon. Trump said Zelensky must agree to some of Russia’s conditions — including that Ukraine cede Crimea and agree never to join NATO — for the war to end.
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• Potential security guarantees: At last week’s summit with Trump, Russian President Vladimir Putin agreed to allow security guarantees for Ukraine and made concessions on “land swaps” as part of a potential peace deal, US envoy Steve Witkoff told CNN. Zelensky suggested that such guarantees would need to be stronger than those that “didn’t work” in the past. Russia has yet to mention such agreements.
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• On the ground: Zelensky condemned Russia’s latest strikes across Ukraine, which killed at least 10 people, saying the Kremlin intends to “humiliate diplomatic efforts” and underscores “why reliable security guarantees are required.”
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A wholly agreeable point of view, I think primarily based on my own experience with this that your points are well made, and your analysis on target.
He has had more cordial, more productive, meetings with US President Donald Trump since that now-notorious encounter on February 28.
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But for Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, today’s meeting at the White House will surely trigger awkward memories of that very public clash with the US President almost six months ago. Navigating the treacherous waters in which he finds himself today will be no easier.
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Increasingly, it appears likely he will be told to give up land in exchange for some sort of security guarantees.
The land side of that “deal” will be obvious. It can be drawn on a map. Crimea: gone, says Trump. Donetsk: give all of it up, says Putin, apparently with Trump’s blessing.
But the security guarantees? That’s where far more challenging ideas, like credibility, come into play. Could Zelensky rely on the US to deliver on some NATO Article 5-type promise, to defend Ukraine if Russia breaches any peace agreement?
Putin himself might even see an opportunity to further weaken the West, by testing any such guarantees, confident they are a bluff he could call. But all that would be for the future.
For now, it looks like Zelensky will have to weigh up whether he could bring his country with him if he were to cede territory to Russia – some of it still in Ukrainian hands – or whether he and his people could bear the costs of potentially defying Trump a Nobel Peace Prize, and say no.
If he chose the latter, would the US President immediately end all remaining American support for Ukraine, in terms of military aid and intelligence sharing, for instance?
If that happened, to what extent could Zelensky’s European allies really step in and fill in the gaps left by any full US retreat?
It is an almost impossibly hard choice before him.
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What we’re covering
• Zelensky in Washington: European leaders will join Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky at the White House, as he meets with US President Donald Trump this afternoon. Trump said Zelensky must agree to some of Russia’s conditions — including that Ukraine cede Crimea and agree never to join NATO — for the war to end.
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• Potential security guarantees: At last week’s summit with Trump, Russian President Vladimir Putin agreed to allow security guarantees for Ukraine and made concessions on “land swaps” as part of a potential peace deal, US envoy Steve Witkoff told CNN. Zelensky suggested that such guarantees would need to be stronger than those that “didn’t work” in the past. Russia has yet to mention such agreements.
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• On the ground: Zelensky condemned Russia’s latest strikes across Ukraine, which killed at least 10 people, saying the Kremlin intends to “humiliate diplomatic efforts” and underscores “why reliable security guarantees are required.”
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